For
most countries, it makes more sense to begin with a study of the executive
branch as that would be the most powerful and significant. However, the framers
of the Constitution believed that Congress
would be the most important body of government. The enumerated powers listed in
Article 1 of the Constitution seem to indicate that the legislative branch of
the federal government was clearly intended to be the most powerful branch of
the three. On paper at least, power is concentrated more heavily in the
legislative branch that either the executive or the judicial branch.
Although
each state has a legislature, it is Congress that holds greater significance based
upon the national supremacy clause. Congress is unquestionably the nation’s
primary law-making assembly. If a law is passed by Congress, then that law
overrides those made at the state level. This is more than simply an academic point.
Throughout our nation’s history, the federal legislature has often sought to
impose its will upon the states. For instance, during the 1950s and 60s
Congress passed civil rights laws designed specifically to protect those who
faced discrimination on the basis of racism and bigotry. The scope and scale of
the federal legislature grew during the New Deal, but during the era of new
federalism the federal government was curtailed in favor of states’ rights. In
the contemporary era, Congress has pushed through controversial laws that have
been contrary to the wishes of certain states (such as the Affordable Care Act and
immigration reform).
Congress
consists of two bodies and five hundred and thirty-five members (a hundred
Senators and four hundred and thirty-five members of the House). The House of
Representatives is conventionally viewed as the lower chamber whereas the
Senate is depicted as the upper chamber. Although the House has more power in certain
areas, it is the Senate that is the more powerful chamber of the two. Members
of the House must face the electorate once every two years (as laid down in
Section 2 of the Constitution), whereas a member of the upper chamber can serve
for six years before seeking re-election. Inevitably, those who represent a
congressional district will be more responsive to party opinion than a member
of the Senate. It should be added here that an incumbent member of the House is
often more likely to be defeated during a primary than a general election,
particularly if they represent a relatively safe seat. Equally, they will be
more sensitive to the wishes of the electorate than members of the upper
chamber because they must face the electorate on such a frequent basis. The
House is also a more partisan chamber than the Senate.
Since
the very birth of the Republic, members of the House have been elected.
However, elections to the upper chamber were only instigated in 1913 after
ratification of the seventeenth amendment. Originally, the founding fathers
viewed the upper chamber as a body akin to the British House of Lords, in which
unelected figures were able to thwart populist measures instigated by the lower
chamber. In doing so, the Senate could act as a bulwark against the tyranny of
the majority that so preoccupied the founders of our nation. Although elections
to the Senate have occurred for over a century; some of that detached and
measured atmosphere and intent remains. The Senate will often curtail or defeat
populist measures emanating from the more populist House of Representatives.
A
series of congressional elections are held every two years on a fixed date in
November, during which all seats in the House and a third of the Senate are up
for grabs. A congressional session therefore lasts for two years. It is worth
noting that the mantra of the Revolution had been ‘where annual election ends,
tyranny begins.’ This may well explain why the election period is relatively
short by international standards; and certainly unusual for the time in which
the Constitution was first laid down. By convention, the Speaker of the House
derives from the majority party. The occupant must be voted on by members of
the lower chamber and, in most congressional sessions; we can be reasonably
certain who will emerge as the Speaker of the House. However, some members of
the majority party might vote against the incumbent Speaker if they are dissatisfied in some way
with their perceived lack of ideological purity. In 2012, twelve Republicans
voted against John Boehner’s re-appointment as Speaker of the House. This was
in response to his willingness to compromise with Democrats and the Obama
administration over the budget.
The
ability of Congress to pass laws is that body’s defining and most important
feature. However, Congress holds a much broader range of powers than simply
that of passing legislation. These powers enable Congress to act as a check
upon the power of both the judiciary, and the executive. The Constitution
outlines a lengthy list of enumerated powers in Section 8. Article 1 (the
so-called elastic clause) offers considerable leeway for the nation’s legislature.
On this basis, Congress has the power to make all necessary and proper laws. During
the 2012 presidential campaign, the commerce clause came under scrutiny because
the Affordable Care Act was ruled constitutional on this basis.
Despite
these considerable powers, Congress has been less successful in identifying and
exploiting implied powers from the Constitution when compared to the executive
branch of government. It must also be acknowledged that during times of
national crisis the people look to the President rather than Congress for
decisive action. To a great many Americans, Congress is associated with an
obstructionist mindset and political grandstanding rather than taking decisive action.
Even an unpopular President scores a far higher approval rating than Congress.
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