Geographical location
The second
long-term factor to consider is geographical location. In terms of presidential
elections, there are a number of states that could be described as relatively
safe for one party or the other. For instance, the state of California has voted for the Democrat
candidate in each presidential election since 1992. Similar observations can be
applied to congressional elections. The last time the state of Wyoming elected a
Democrat to the Senate was back in the early 1980s. Given current voting
trends, it seems unlikely that California
would support a Republican candidate for President or Wyoming would endorse a Democrat for the
upper chamber. Neither state is viewed as contestable during a presidential
election, although a conservative Democrat could perhaps gain a congressional
seat in Wyoming and a liberal Republican might
do the same in California .
As with much else
in the field of psephology, there are certain caveats to consider. Firstly, it
is entirely possible for a presidential election to be won by a landslide. This
last occurred in 1984, when Ronald Reagan won an astonishing 49 out of the 50
states. His Democrat opponent only managed to capture his home state, and then
only by a small margin. Similarly, Richard Nixon won all but one of the 50
states in 1972. Given the trend towards ideological polarization, it seems increasingly
unlikely that a candidate could do the same when the country is fairly evenly
split between red states and blue states in regards to presidential elections.
Studies into voting
behavior seek to explain why people
vote the way they do. Although this is difficult to identify in regards to
geographical location; it is possible to put forth some observations. For
example, the North-East has long been considered more liberal than the Bible
Belt. This would surely explain why North-Eastern states are overwhelmingly
Democrat whereas the Republicans dominate in the Bible Belt. Similarly, it is
the Republicans who best capture the mindset of Middle
America .
In
terms of congressional elections, both parties have their safe constituencies. Whilst
gerrymandering of House districts undoubtedly helps, this does not in itself
explain why the Democrats tend to represent inner-city areas whereas
congressional Republicans are more likely to represent rural parts of the
country. Once again, the rational choice theory of voting behavior casts
valuable light on our understanding. Republicans are more closely associated
with an agenda that reflects the concerns of rural dwellers; which could be characterized
as the three G’s (support for gun ownership, opposition to gay rights and an
emphasis upon religious values). Similarly, an inner-city area is likely to be
poorer on average than surrounding areas. It is also more likely to have a
higher proportion of ethnic minorities.
The
shades of purple within American congressional and state elections are of obvious
interest to our studies. A red constituency in a sea of blue is likely to be a
relatively wealthy area with an overwhelming majority of white people, whereas
a blue constituency in rural America
is likely to be a University town, relatively poorer than the average and/or
more ethnically diverse than those constituencies which surround it. Yet for a country
which prides itself on democratic values, there are a surprisingly small number
of contested seats – particularly during a congressional election for the lower
chamber. Either way, the changing demography of a particular location should be
of interest to those who seeks to properly understand voting behavior. As such,
let us consider the following case study.
Back in 2002, the academics Ruy
Texeira and John Judies claimed that demographic trends would favor the
Democrats. It seemed a bold prediction given the fact that the GOP controlled
both chambers and a Republican was occupying
the White House. Although the GOP won the next presidential election, their
predictions have largely been proven correct. Texeira and Judies cited an
increased number of Latinos (due to their relatively high birth rates), a
declining number of white voters, an increased number of LGBT voters (in part due
to greater tolerance within society) and so on. That said; there are demographic
factors which might favor the Republicans – not least the increased number of
EC votes and congressional seats to red states due to a population shift from
the rust-belt to sunnier climes. Alas, predicting voting behavior will always
be problematic. Regardless of the depth of research, it is nearly impossible to
adequately identify future trends in voting behavior. Inevitably, one will always
be hostage to fortune. For example, the argument put forward by Texeira and
Judies assumes that the GOP cannot properly reach out towards minority groups
such as Latinos. If however the Republicans moderate their stance on
immigration and affirmative action, there is every possibility that they can
regain support from Hispanics throughout the union. This may also require a key
role for prominent Hispanics within the party (such as Ted Cruz and Marco
Rubio).
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